PRO-LIFE VICTORY IN LOUISIANA!

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Today was an amazing day! I am so proud to have been a part of this amazing moment in Louisiana history!

The House of Representatives voted to send HB 388 to Governor Bobby Jindal for signature! The vote was a bipartisan 88-5! When Rep. Katrina Jackson called for cosponsors to come stand with her, the response was overwhelming, with almost the entire house floor empty! Tears came to my eyes as she urged for final passage of the Unsafe Abortion Protection Act!

I was honored & humbled to have been recognized on the floor for my efforts to get this bill passed by Reps Jackson & Hoffman! I was also thankful to be awarded some delicious Pro-life brownies by Rep. Burns after passage! All in all one of the best days of my life! 

I also testified on HB 305 & HB 1262 (formerly HB 727) this morning!

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HB 388, HB 305, and HB 1262 are the work of the amazing Bioethics Defense Fund! It’s been an honor to work with them on these important pieces of legislation! Learn more about this great pro-life group and their groundbreaking work at their website: http://www.bdfund.org/

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The Viability of Roe, Part 2: From Roe to Carhart

PartialBirth_Method

While Roe did not expressly declare abortion to be a “fundamental right,” in the wake of the decision many lower federal courts certainly interpreted abortion as such.[1] Indeed, many of the abortion cases that the Court heard between Roe and Planned Parenthood v. Casey dealt with overturning this presumption by the lower courts. A brief overview of some of the major pre-Casey abortion cases will be beneficial in illustrating how the Court got from Roe to Casey:

  • Connecticut v. Menillo (1975) – In a per curium decision, the Court upheld Connecticut’s criminal prohibition against non-physicians performing abortions, stating that “Roe did not go that far.”[2]
  • Planned Parenthood v. Danforth (1976) – The Court upheld part of a state statute requiring a woman to give written consent prior to undergoing an abortion, but struck down spousal and parental consent requirements.[3]
  • Bellotti v. Baird (1976) – The Court this time upheld the requirement that a minor seeking an abortion must obtain parental consent, provided that there is the option for a “judicial bypass” whereby the minor can obtain consent from a judge if necessary.[4]
  • Harris v. McRae (1980) – The Court upheld the Hyde Amendment, which forbade federal funding of abortions. The Court reasoned in this case that abortion was not a fundamental right.[5]
  • City of Akron v Akron Center for Reproductive Health, Inc. (1983) – The Court struck down a 24 hour waiting period between the time a woman seeking an abortion received counseling, and when she could undergo the abortion procedure.[6]
  • Thornburg v. American College of Obstetricians and Gynecologists (1986) – The Court struck down a number of state regulations, including informed consent requirements, reporting requirements for abortion clinics, and regulations on the medical aspects of the abortion procedure.[7] Though the majority referred to “a woman’s right to make that choice [abortion] freely [as] fundamental,” they did not apply strict scrutiny in their rationale.[8]
  • Rust v. Sullivan (1991) – The Court upheld federal finding regulations that restricted federal funding from be awarded to family planning clinics that counseled for, or performed abortions. The Court relied on Harris in its decision.[9]

As demonstrated by these sometimes contradictory rulings, the Court seemed unsure of how to apply its own rule from Roe. For example, while Thornburg called abortion a “fundamental right,” the Court chose not to apply a strict scrutiny standard of review in the case.[10] Likewise in Bellotti and Harris, the Court referred only to an “undue burden” or “unduly burdensome” analysis.[11]

A. Planned Parenthood v. Casey

The confusion over abortion law, as seen in the decisions listed above, intensified the national debate over the issue. In 1992, many believed that the Court was poised to overturn Roe, but instead, in Planned Parenthood v. Casey the Court decided to take a much narrower approach to redefining abortion jurisprudence.[12]

In taking a narrow approach, the three judge plurality purported to rely on the concept of stare decisis to reaffirm the central holding of Roe of “the right of the woman to choose to have an abortion before viability.”[13] In defense of this affirmation the plurality claimed Roe had “call[ed] the contending sides of a national controversy to end their national division by accepting a common mandate rooted in the Constitution.”[14] Furthering this argument, the plurality argued that overturning Roe would “seriously weaken the Court‘s capacity to exercise the judicial power and to function as the Supreme Court of a Nation dedicated to the rule of law.”[15] The plurality also relied on their belief that:

[F]or two decades of economic and social developments, people have organized intimate relationships and made choices that define their views of themselves and their places in society, in reliance on the availability of abortion in the event that contraception should fail.  The ability of women to participate equally in the economic and social life of the Nation has been facilitated by their ability to control their reproductive lives.[16]

 

In response to these claims, Justice Scalia and Chief Justice Rehnquist pulled no punches in their respective dissents. Answering the plurality’s argument that overturning Roe would weaken the Court, Justice Scalia had the following to say:

In my history book, the Court was covered with dishonor and deprived of legitimacy by Dred Scott v. Sandford, an erroneous (and widely opposed) opinion that it did not abandon, rather than by West Coast Hotel Co. v. Parrish, which produced the famous “switch in time” from the Court’s erroneous (and widely opposed) constitutional opposition to the social measures of the New Deal.[17]

 

 

Likewise, Chief Justice Rehnquist’s dissent responded to the plurality’s claim regarding women’s social and economic equality with similar skepticism:

The joint opinion’s assertion of this fact is undeveloped and totally conclusory. In fact, one cannot be sure to what economic and social developments the opinion is referring.  Surely it is dubious to suggest that women have reached their ‘places in society’ in reliance upon Roe, rather than as a result of their determination to obtain higher education and compete with men in the job market, and of society’s increasing recognition of their ability to fill positions that were previously thought to be reserved only for men… The “separate but equal” doctrine lasted 58 years after Plessy, and Lochner’s protection of contractual freedom lasted 32 years. However, the simple fact that a generation or more had grown used to these major decisions did not prevent the Court from correcting its errors in those cases, nor should it prevent us from correctly interpreting the Constitution here.[18]

 

Despite these harsh criticisms from their fellow justices, the plurality still chose to interpret stare decisis in a way that prevented them from overturning Roe. However, while the plurality claimed to be reaffirming the central holding of Roe they made significant changes to the Court’s existing abortion doctrine.

One of the biggest changes Casey made was expressly abandoning abortion as a fundamental privacy right, and the accompanying strict scrutiny standard of review. This shift from privacy to liberty is evidenced in what is sometimes mockingly referred to as Casey’s “Mystery of Life Passage”: “At the heart of liberty is the right to define one’s own concept of existence, of meaning, of the universe, and of the mystery of human life.”[19]

In place of the previous standard, the plurality described abortion as a “protected liberty interest” that was measured according to an intermediate level standard of review called “undue burden.”[20] The plurality defined “undue burden” as a regulation that “has the purpose or effect of placing a substantial obstacle in the path of a woman seeking an abortion of a non-viable fetus.”[21]

But what exactly is “undue”? Under this standard, the Casey Court upheld informed consent, a 24 hour waiting period, reporting requirements for abortion facilities, parental consent (with judicial bypass), and a definition of “medical emergency” related to abortion; the only Casey requirement struck down was spousal consent.[22] But it is only contextually through cases that we can truly determine which burdens the Court believes are “undue’, as the guideline is difficult to interpret in a vacuum.

Justice Scalia has long been a critic of the “undue burden” standard, arguing that it places the Court in the inappropriate position of making legislative decisions regarding abortion legislation that are not guided by the Constitution, but rather are guided by the personal opinions and feelings of the individual Justices.[23]

Another major change the plurality made to Roe was to abandon the trimester framework set down in Roe, and focus solely on viability as the “compelling point.” In their reasoning, the plurality claimed that “there is no line other than viability which is more workable” as a compelling point for state’s interest to take hold.[24] The plurality also justified viability by arguing that there is an “element of fairness” in choosing it, because “in some broad sense it might be said that a woman who fails to act before viability has consented to the State’s intervention on behalf of the developing child.”[25] At this time the Court also recognized that medical technology had advanced to the point that viability was now generally accepted to be at approximately 21 weeks post-fertilization.[26] Finally, the plurality says that “the trimester framework… [did] not fulfill Roe’s own promise that the State has an interest in protecting fetal life or potential life.[27] Justice Kennedy, writing for the plurality, spends a considerable amount of time and space explaining the importance of the State’s “profound interest in potential human life.”[28] This is an argument Justice Kennedy would continue to defend eloquently in abortion subsequent cases.

In the opinion of the dissenters, Chief Justice Rehnquist, Justice White, Justice Scalia, and Justice Thomas, the state’s interest in protecting fetal life is profound enough to require that Roe be overturned in its entirety, so that states were free to ban abortion as they saw fit.[29]

B. Stenberg v. Carhart

The next major legal challenge to abortion came in 2000, when late term abortionist Leroy Carhart challenged Nebraska’s Partial-Birth Abortion Ban in Stenberg v. Carhart.[30] Nebraska’s ban sought to outlaw a specific method of abortion, which is described in gruesome detail in Justice Kennedy’s dissent:

[T]he abortionist initiates the woman’s natural delivery process by causing the cervix of the woman to be dilated, sometimes over a sequence of days. The fetus’ arms and legs are delivered outside the uterus while the fetus is alive; witnesses to the procedure report seeing the body of the fetus moving outside the woman’s body. At this point, the abortion procedure has the appearance of a live birth. As stated by one group of physicians, “as the physician manually performs breech extraction of the body of a live fetus, excepting the head, she continues in the apparent role of an obstetrician delivering a child.” With only the head of the fetus remaining in utero, the abortionist tears open the skull. According to Dr. Martin Haskell, a leading proponent of the procedure, the appropriate instrument to be used at this stage of the abortion is a pair of scissors. Witnesses report observing the portion of the fetus outside the woman, react to the skull penetration. The abortionist then inserts a suction tube and vacuums out the developing brain and other matter found within the skull. The process of making the size of the fetus’ head smaller is given the clinically neutral term “reduction procedure.” Brain death does not occur until after the skull invasion, and, according to Dr. Carhart, the heart of the fetus may continue to beat for minutes after the contents of the skull are vacuumed out. The abortionist next completes the delivery of a dead fetus, intact except for the damage to the head and the missing contents of the skull.[31]

 

Despite these grisly facts, the Court voted 5-4 that Nebraska’s Partial-Birth Abortion Ban was unconstitutionally vague because it did not adequately differentiate Partial-Birth Abortion from method, as well as finding that it violated the “undue burden” standard because it lacked a Roe style health exception.[32]

As the author of Casey, which he thought to be a grand compromise that would end the abortion debate once and for all, Justice Kennedy was furious and this can be seen in his scathing dissent. Justice Kennedy claims the majority in Stenberg has “a basic misunderstanding of Casey,”[33] and “contradict[ed] Casey’s premise that States have a vital constitutional position in the abortion debate.”[34] Additionally, Justice Kennedy accused the majority of “fail[ing] to acknowledge substantial authority allowing the State to take sides in a medical debate, even when fundamental liberty interests are at stake.”[35] To bolster this claim, Justice Kennedy cites the Court’s prior decision in Kansas v. Hendricks, where a man was convicted for refusing to receive the small pox vaccine.[36] In Hendricks, the Court ruled that disagreements among medical professionals “do not tie the State’s hands in setting the bounds of…laws. In fact, it is precisely where such a disagreement exists that the legislatures have been afforded the greatest latitude.”[37]

Justice Kennedy went on to argue that the Court was ignoring “substantial medical and ethical opinion[s]”[38] regarding this procedure, “which, in the State’s reasonable determination, might cause the medical profession or society as a whole to become insensitive, even disdainful, to life, including life in the human fetus.”[39]

Justice Scalia also wrote a scathing dissent in Stenberg, in which he expressed his hope that “one day, Stenberg will be assigned its rightful place in the history of this Court’s jurisprudence beside Korematsu and Dred Scott.”[40]

C. Gonzales v. Carhart

Fortunately for Justice Scalia, he did not have to wait very long. In response to Stenberg, Congress held fact finding hearings on Partial-Birth Abortion, and eventually passed the Partial-Birth Abortion Ban of 2003.[41] The factual findings Congress used to support this Act included, among others, that:

  • A moral, medical, and ethical consensus exists that the practice of performing a partial-birth abortion…is a gruesome and inhumane procedure that is never medically necessary and should be prohibited.
  • [Partial-Birth Abortion is] unnecessary to preserve the health of the mother, [and] in fact poses serious risks to the long-term health of women and in some circumstances, their lives.
  • A prominent medical association has concluded that partial-birth abortion is ‘not an accepted medical practice’…The association has further noted that partial-birth abortion is broadly disfavored by both medical experts and the public, is ‘ethically wrong,’ and ‘is never the only appropriate procedure’.
  • It is a medical fact…that unborn infants at this stage can feel pain when subjected to painful stimuli and that their perception of this pain is even more intense than that of newborn infants and older children when subjected to the same stimuli. Thus, during a partial-birth abortion procedure, the child will fully experience the pain associated with piercing his or her skull and sucking out his or her brain.
  • In light of this overwhelming evidence, Congress and the States have a compelling interest in prohibiting partial-birth abortions. In addition to promoting maternal health, such a prohibition will draw a bright line that clearly distinguishes abortion and infanticide, that preserves the integrity of the medical profession, and promotes respect for human life.[42]

 

Congress, hoping to avoid the impermissibly broad reading the Court used to strike down Nebraska’s Partial-Birth Abortion Ban, carefully crafted the descriptive language of the procedure. However, as seen in the Congressional findings listed above, Congress adamantly stuck by their belief that Partial-Birth Abortion was never medically necessary, and as such, did not include any language regarding a health exception to the ban.

Before it could even be signed into law by President George W. Bush, the Partial-Birth Abortion Ban of 2003 was challenged by abortionist Leroy Carhart, who had previously been the victor in Stenberg The resulting case, Gonzales v. Carhart, Court concluded that the legitimacy of the government’s interests in banning partial-birth abortions disproved the notion that the ban had the impermissible purpose of placing a “substantial obstacle in the path of a woman seeking an abortion.”[43]

Justice Kennedy once again wielded his pen in defense of State’s interests, composing the majority opinion of the Court. Justice Kennedy reasoned that the “central premise of [Casey]” was “that the government has a legitimate and substantial interest in preserving and promoting fetal life.”[44] In seeking to balance “the State’s interest in promoting respect for human life at all stages in the pregnancy,”[45] and a woman’s right to choose abortion, the Court ruled that the Partial-Birth Abortion Ban advanced a legitimate legislative purpose by “express[ing] respect for the dignity of human life,”[46] by promoting the state’s interest in “protecting the ethics and integrity of the medical profession,” and by preventing the “further coarsen[ing] [of] society to the humanity of…all vulnerable and innocent human life.”[47]

In finding that the Act’s lack of a health exception did not impose an “undue burden,” the Court considered the medical findings Congress relied upon to justify the Act.[48] This gave Justice Kennedy the chance to reiterate his arguments from his previous dissent in Stenberg, now held by the majority in Gonzales, regarding the right of a state to take sides in medical debates, ruling once and for that, “[m]edical uncertainty does not foreclose the exercise of legislative power in the abortion context any more than it does in other contexts.”[49]

The dissent in Gonzales harshly criticized the majority decision as, “blur[ring] the line, firmly drawn in Casey, between pre-viability and post-viability abortions.”[50]  Outside critics of the Court’s decision have gone even further, claiming that the fact that the ban applied both pre- and post-viability constituted “a direct violation of Roe’s bright line rule,” and that the Court’s decision to uphold it “demonstrated that the fixed point of viability can be bypassed.”[51]


[1] See e.g., Poe v. Gerstein, 517 F.2d 787, 789 (5th Cir. 1975); Friendship Medical Center v. Chicago Board of Health, 505 F.2d 1141, 1148 (7th Cir. 1974); Word v. Poelker, 495 F.2d 1349 (8th Cir. 1974).

[2] Connecticut v. Menillo, 423 U.S. 9, 10 (1975).

[3] Planned Parenthood v. Danforth, 428 U.S. 52 (1976).

[4] Bellotti v. Baird, 428 U.S. 132 (1976).

[5] Harris v. McRae, 448 U.S. 297 (1980).

[6] City of Akron v Akron Center for Reproductive Health, Inc., 462 U.S. 416 (1983).

[7]Thornburg v. American College of Obstetricians and Gynecologists, 476 U.S. 747 (1986).

[8] Id., at 772.

[9] Rust v. Sullivan, 500 U.S. 173 (1991).

[10] Thornburg, 476 U.S. at 772.

[11] Bellotti, 443 U.S. at 640; Harris, 448 U.S. at 235.

[12] Planned Parenthood v. Casey, 505 U.S. 833 (1992).

[13] Id., at 846.

[14] Id., at 867.

[15] Id., at 865.

[16] Id., at 856.

[17] Id., at 998 (Scalia, J., dissenting).

[18] Id., at 956-7 (Rehnquist, C. J., dissenting).

[19] Id., at 851.

[20] Id., at 877.

[21] Id.

[22] See generally, Id.

[23] Supreme Court Justice Antonin Scalia, Remarks to Baton Rouge Federalist Society (October 11, 2013).

[24] Casey, 505 U.S. at 870.

[25] Id.

[26] Id., at 860 (23 weeks LMP).

[27] Id., at 876.

[28] Id.

[29] Id., at 944.

[30] Stenberg v. Carhart, 530 U.S. 914 (2000).

[31] Id., at 959-60.

[32] Stenberg, 530 U.S. 914.

[33] Id., at 964.

[34] Id., at 963.

[35] Id., at 970.

[36] Kansas v. Hendricks, 521 U.S. 346 (1997).

[37] Id., at 360.

[38] Stenberg, 530 U.S at 797.

[39] Id., at 961.

[40] Id., at 953; Korematsu v. United States, 323 U.S. 214 (1944) (Upholding the constitutionality of the military imprisonment of thousands of American citizens of Japanese descent , in internment camps during World War II); Dred Scott v. Sandford, 60 U.S. 393 (1857)(Holding  that an African American slave is not a “person” under the U.S. Constitution; and was therefore the property of the slave owner).

[41] Partial-Birth Abortion Ban Act of 2003, 18 U.S.C. § 1531 (2004).

[42] See 18 U.S.C. § 1531 (note following) (congressional findings for Pub. L. No. 108-105, §2, Nov. 5, 2003, 117 Stat. 1201).

[43] Gonzales, 550 U.S. at 160.

[44] Id., at 157.

[45] Id., at 163 (emphasis added).

[46] Id., at 157.

[47] Id.

[48] Id., at 165.

[49] Id., at 164.

[50] Id. at 186.

[51] Katia Desrouleaux, Banning Partial-Birth Abortion at All CostsGonzales v. Carhart: Three Decades of Supreme Court Precedent “Down the Drain”, 35 S.U. L. Rev. 543, 553 (2008); Jason Pill, Constitutional Law: Drawing A New Critical Line Between the State’s Competing Interests in Abortion Regulation to Comport with Social Palpability Gonazales v. Carhart, 127 S. Ct. 1610 (2007), 19 U. Fla. J.L. & Pub. Pol’y 369, 378 (2008).

The Summer of Stupidity

A year ago, President Obama and his Democratic cronies took trips all over the nation touting the “amazing” results of the stimulus bill. They called it “The Summer of Recovery” and were convinced that the worst of America’s economic woes were behind us.

Flash forward a year, to the present day and it is easy to see that a true recovery has NOT taken place. In fact, our economy has continued to decline since the passage of the massive stimulus bill.

First let’s look at employment- according to Speaker of the House Bohner, 1.5 Million jobs have been lost since the bill was signed into law in 2009. And unless you live under a rock, I think you probably know that unemployment rate is at 9.1%. And that alone is bad, but when you dig a little deeper you find out exactly HOW bad. According to figures from the Bureau of Labor Statistics 15.8% of Americans are “underemployed,” meaning that  workers are being employed at less than full-time or regular jobs or at jobs inadequate with respect to their training or economic needs. This statistic is even more shocking to me than the total unemployment. These people might have ” a job” but they are not good jobs that allow them to reach their full potential or pay their bills.

According to FOX Business News, new unemployment filings have been above 400,000 (the number economist equate with a “healthy” ecnomy) for 10 straight weeks. Economists estimate that 125,000 jobs need to be added to the economy each month just in order to keep up with the population, and at least 250,000 jobs a month in order to start making a dent in the 9.1% unemplyoment rate… but in May we only added 54,000 jobs. Last year we added about 72,500 jobs a month. At that rate it would take nearly 8 years to make up all the jobs lost since the recession began.

Also, looking at the unemployed workers further reveals problems in the status quo. 6.2 Million workers have been unemployed for at least 6 months. And 1 in 3 of all unemployed Americans have been unemployed for over a year. This of course leads to other problems.

The housing market is still gasping for air, with an estimated 25% of mortgages currently underwater. New home sales are slightly up, at 560,000 but economists say that at least 1.2 Million are needed in order to consider the housing market as healthy.

One reason for some of the turmoil is likely to be the confusion and uncertainty regarding Obama Care. According to Representative Fred Upton of Michigan, the administration has published 3,500 pages of regulations related to the health care bill this year alone. With all the new regulations coming up, as well as many unanswered questions regarding the taxes and mandates in the bill- is it any wonder that businesses are reluctant to hire more workers or invest in new ventures?

Speaking of fear, the fastest rise in the price of consumer goods since 2006 happened this May, which make it unsurprising that a recent Gallup poll revealed that nearly half of all Americans think that the country is headed towards another recession. Add to this the fact that the price to feed a family of four has risen 5% since the “Summer of Recovery” and it comes as no surprise that normal, everyday people (or as Obama calls them- bumps in the road) are frightened.

What all of these statistics and figures prove is that the Obama administration is completely out of touch with reality, and that they bamboozled the voters of America into supporting a $1,160,000,000,000 (including interest) waste of time, effort, and especially of our hard earned tax dollars. How about we make them pay in 2012?

ARIZONA

I am SICK of links and articles talking about how politics is why the shooting in AZ happened.

THIS GUY WAS MENTALLY ILL!

Instead of coming together and trying to prevent this type of thing from happening again; instead of using it as a catharisis for the divisions in our country; instead of reflecting on the importance of family and friends; instead of all the many things we can learn from this tragedy- so many of yall are making the  divisions our country faces even worse by politicizing this and making it about something other than INNOCENT people being gunned down by a mentally ill nut bag.

Just shut up already!

This isn’t about any of us- Conservatives, Liberals, Republicans or Democrats, this is about a 9 yr old little girl, men in the prime of their life, innocent grandparents, and a woman fighting for her life in a hospital bed.

 

This is about them:

 

nine-year-old Christina Taylor Green

 

 

Dorothy Morris

 

 

Judge John Roll

 

 

Phyllis Schneck

 

 

Dorwin Stoddard

 

 

Gabe Zimmerman

 

 

Congresswoman Giffords

 

Vote 2010

Two years ago I wrote the following

So I just wanted to remind everyone that the fight for American values is not over, rather it has just begun. We can not give up hope, we must stand together stronger than ever. All that is required for evil to prosper is for good men (and women) to do nothing. So do something! Keep your voice, shares your values, stand up for what is right, no matter how hard it gets.

And you guys did NOT disappoint! Two years later and the Tea Party has blossomed, launching a new generation of conservatives into the public spotlight; Republicans will take over the House by midnight, and might take over the Senate as well! Gubernatorial races are running strong red and things are looking bright indeed for the future of our nation!

But it still isn’t over- YOU MUST GO VOTE!

Hundreds of thousands of brave men and women have died so that you could cast your ballot. So go vote, and PLEASE- vote CONSERVATIVE!!!!

Want to get involved in politics, but don’t know where to start?



Volunteer with the
Bryan Wooley for Mayor Campaign!

We need volunteers for:
 

Sat 12-5
Sun 12-5
Monday 6-8
Tues 12-5

Campaign Head Quarters is at
Office Furniture Outlet
730 Bert Kouns Industrial Loop
Shreveport, LA 71118

If interested, contact:
DeannaCandler@yahoo.com

 

Cedric Glover Involved With Drug Use?

WHOA WHOA WHOA!!! STOP THE PRESSES! NEWEST RELEASE FROM WWW.TRUTHABOUTGLOVER.COM:

Cedric Glover Involved With Drug Use?

Dannye Malone was in a divorce lawsuit with his ex-wife.

During this proceeding a number of interrogatories were submitted to Dannye Malone from his ex-wife’s legal council that required him to give a yes or no answer to his usage or marijuana in their matrimonial domicile with Mayor Cedric Glover and Chief Administrative Officer Dale Sibley.

The answers have been sealed.

On the 2nd page, Interrogatory numbers 29, (C), (D), and (E) are questions asked and the names of Mayor Cedric Glover and Chief Administrative Officer Dale Sibley are mentioned as participants of the consumption, ingestion, and/or smoking of marijuana in the matrimonial domicile (home) of Dannye Malone and Montina Malone. It also alleges that Dale Sibley, Chief Administrative Officer went to Dannye Malone’s house on numerous occasions to pick-up “packages” of marijuana. This implies that top city officials are directly involved in drug trafficking, which is a serious legal offense.

Just more questions Cedric Glover needs to answer. But given Glover’s track record this election, such answers will most likely never be given and he will simply resort to baseless attacks aimed at his opponent in order to distract he electorate from the issue at hand.

Here is the documentation:

Lawsuit Documentation

wow… all I can say. Would love to hear an answer, but I doubt Glover will say anything- as per usual.